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Thursday, February 27, 2025

Malaysia's seven missed opportunities for the nation building

 


This article first appeared in Forum, The Edge Malaysia Weekly on January 27, 2025 - February 2, 2025

Being a top banker in the nation’s most important government-owned bank is a privileged position. Doors open as one wanders through the corridors of power, gourmet lunches served as the inner workings of politics and business are laid bare. A nod, a smile or the calculated silence — what more a signature — can easily sway markets or dent fortunes.

Belonging to a class and tribe of their own, banking insiders adhere to unwritten rules. Astute financiers willingly adopt intellectual constraints, turning a blind eye when the wielders of power require it — knowing that defiance could exile them to the wilderness of the unprivileged masses.


This article first appeared in Forum, The Edge Malaysia Weekly on January 27, 2025 - February 2, 2025

Being a top banker in the nation’s most important government-owned bank is a privileged position. Doors open as one wanders through the corridors of power, gourmet lunches served as the inner workings of politics and business are laid bare. A nod, a smile or the calculated silence — what more a signature — can easily sway markets or dent fortunes.

Belonging to a class and tribe of their own, banking insiders adhere to unwritten rules. Astute financiers willingly adopt intellectual constraints, turning a blind eye when the wielders of power require it — knowing that defiance could exile them to the wilderness of the unprivileged masses.


Thus, more than a few eyebrows were raised when Maybank stalwart and former deputy president Datuk Mohammed Hussein published his take on the nation’s historic journey in How Malaysia Missed 7 Chances at Nation Building.

The premise of the book is a call to collectively learn from the past and consider what it would take to make better decisions about the fate of the nation. A fair question indeed, as a country seven decades into its existence remains divided, more state than nation.

What are the seven missed chances? The first was in 1945, when the Japanese were forced to surrender Malaya after the horrific US atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. What if — like Indonesia — Malaysia did not cede power back to the British? Were we in a position to demand, and perhaps fight for Merdeka? How would that have changed our country?

The second was Umno’s founder and first president Datuk Onn Jaafar’s call to open the party to non-Malays. Rejected, Onn Jaafar left the party he championed. What if Umno had agreed and became a party for Malaysians rather than Malays?

In his third chapter, the author explores the intricate negotiations leading to Merdeka. Driven by Tunku Abdul Rahman’s determination to achieve independence without bloodshed, the Merdeka Constitution emerged as a carefully balanced compromise. It sought to reconcile competing interests: preserving British economic dominance, ensuring the continuity of the royal houses, safeguarding Malay claims to indigenous rights and privileges, and meeting Chinese and Indian demands for citizenship. This arrangement functioned as a truce — a social contract — yet left unresolved the long-term tensions between rights and privileges, rooted in the imbalance of political and economic power.

Was May 13 — the tragedy that it was — another missed chance? Mohammed argues that dissolving the National Operations Council or Mageran within two years was a rushed return to democracy. He wonders whether Tun Abdul Razak as a benevolent dictator could have undertaken more radical changes to lay the basis of a cohesive nation.

“Dato MH”, as he is often referred to, then moves to his home ground — economics and business. He takes a piercing look at the National Economic Policy and the Bumiputera Agenda. He cites Tun Dr Ismail Abdul Rahman’s understanding of the NEP as a golf handicap, a leveller in the game.

“I regard the Special Position of the Malays as a handicap given to the Malays with the consent of all the other races who have become citizens of this country so as to enable the Malays to compete on equal footing for equal opportunity in this country. That and that alone is the only aim of the Special Position of the Malays … this handicap will enable them to be good players, as in time, as in golf, the handicap will be removed. The Malays must not think of these privileges as permanent: for then, they will not put their efforts to the tasks. In fact, it is an insult for Malays to be getting these privileges.”

In examining the NEP, he probes the extent to which the policy genuinely uplifted the Malay middle class and broader community versus serving as a mechanism to consolidate power among the Malay political elite. A more thoughtfully designed policy or improved implementation could have better served the broader Malay community and narrowed the economic gap between races — an essential foundation for fostering a more united nation.

The sixth opportunity came under the stewardship of Malaysia’s longest-­serving leader, Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad, through his ambitious Vision 2020. Announced in 1991, the vision of a developed, united and confident nation by 2020 was so compelling that even Mahathir’s fiercest critics had to acknowledge its aspirations. The author focuses particularly on the nine strategic challenges outlined in the vision. Why weren’t government policies realigned to address these challenges? Were our institutions and decision-makers at the time — and perhaps even now — unprepared or unwilling to make the difficult choices necessary to realise such a bold agenda?

For the seventh opportunity, he pulled together other missed moments — from Tun Abdullah Ahmad Badawi’s landslide victory in 2004 to Pakatan Rakyat and Mahathir’s return to power in 2018. Again, an opportunity to leverage political momentum for change, simmering but never coming to a boil.

Aspirations

Mohammed uses the second half of his book to look forward, asking what the aspirations of the nation are and how we could get there. In using plain language, he says: “We cannot continue to tai chi and pass the buck to the next generation because the problem will get bigger and become too big to solve.”

He bravely names some of the elephants in the room, issues all too familiar, ignored by government after government: a failing education system, bloated and unproductive government spending, a critical review of the bumiputera agenda and policies, and the dire need to encourage religious tolerance.

In publishing this critical review of our history, Mohammed stands like a sailor who, having safely navigated a storm, now critiques the very vessel that carried him through. Critics may brand him as un-Malay for daring to air our flaws openly — what Malays call membuka pekung di dada (revealing a wound on one’s chest). Mohammed does not deny the charge but instead anchors himself in a key facet of Malay identity: his unwavering commitment to his religion.

Islam calls us to speak truth to power, to right injustice and to serve the greater good. Mohammed knows he wins no friends by challenging the status quo, but yet, he remains steady on his ship. As Tan Sri Azman Mokhtar writes in his review, “Agree, disagree but never disagreeable, a thought-provoking read for us to reflect and, most of all, to act to build and rebuild our nation.”

Is reform even possible? Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim (PMX) finds himself entangled in a complex web of competing priorities: holding together a fragile political alliance, addressing territories increasingly resistant to federal dominance and navigating a civil service confident in its permanence beyond any administration. He must also secure legitimacy through the Malay vote, appease a subsidy-reliant economy and a rent-seeking business elite, all while upholding the aspirations of his Reformasi supporters. Balancing these conflicting demands raises the question of whether meaningful change can truly be achieved.

And yet, Malaysia’s centennial milestone lies on the horizon. In just three decades, we will reflect on our choices and their consequences. Will we once again squander the opportunity to build a great nation from a fledgling state? Mohammed’s review of our missed opportunities is not merely a critique but a call to action — a challenge to break the cycle and chart a different course. In doing so, he offers us a profound service, bearing the weight of truth for the benefit of us all. - https://theedgemalaysia.com/node/742511


Mohammed (left) and Liyana during a talk on his book at TRX Mall, Kuala Lumpur. — GLENN GUAN/The Star

HOW can Malaysia learn from its past to build a better future?

This question set the tone at a book talk on How Malaysia Missed 7 Chances at Nation Building by former banker Datuk Mohammed Hussein.

The discussion, moderated by Premesh Chandran and featuring political activist Liyana Marzuki, explored key moments in Malaysia’s history and how different choices might have shaped the country’s trajectory.

Mohammed, who spent decades in the financial sector, said Malaysia had often chosen quick fixes instead of addressing deeper structural issues.

“We took shortcuts. We wanted quick solutions without addressing the fundamentals,” he said during the talk at the MPH bookstore in TRX Mall, Kuala Lumpur.

He listed governance, economic policies and education as areas where this approach had held the country back.

Mohammed signing copies of his book ‘How Malaysia Missed 7 Chances at Nation Building’.Mohammed signing copies of his book ‘How Malaysia Missed 7 Chances at Nation Building’.

Malaysia was once regarded as one of Asia’s four economic tigers, alongside South Korea, Hong Kong and Singapore.

However, Mohammed said much of Malaysia’s potential had diminished due to short-term decision-making and an over reliance on temporary solutions.

While the country made significant progress in infrastructure, Mohammed said inconsistent policies and political compromises had weakened its social and economic foundations.

The book, which took six years to complete, stemmed from what Mohammed described as frustration over Malaysia’s missed potential.

His research involved extensive visits to archives, including those in the United Kingdom, where he examined declassified British cabinet papers for in­sights into Malaya’s early independence negotiations from the British viewpoint.

“I had to ensure my research was solid. If I had got my facts wrong, people would laugh at me.

“I spent years going through archives, including in London, to understand the British perspective on Malaya’s independence.

“The declassified documents provided a fresh viewpoint that many history books don’t capture,” he added.

When asked which of the seven missed opportunities he considered the most critical, Mohammed indicated education and leadership.

“If we had gotten education right, all our problems today would have been minimised.

“Education is the key to human capital development.

“It impacts everything – civil service efficiency, business sector growth, policy implementation and even corruption.”

“But to achieve that, we needed decisive leadership without shortcuts,” he said.

During the talk, he expressed hope that the current and future generations would learn from the historical lessons.

“We have 33 years before Malaysia reaches its 100th year of independence.

“It is the responsibility of the next generation to learn from the past and avoid the same mistakes,” said Mohammed.

During the session, the ideology of nationalism was discussed in the context of nation-building in Malaysia’s multiracial society, with Liyana sharing her perspective on how it has evolved in the country.

She said the term has been misused to serve racial narratives rather than true nation-­building.

“Nationalism has been hijack­ed to promote racial agendas rather than nation-building.

“We need to redefine nationalism as love for the nation, not just for one race,” she added.

Liyana said the need for a shift in mindset, particularly among younger generations, to see nationalism as an inclusive concept rather than an exclusive one.

The session drew a lively ex­­change during the Q&A session.

Some audience members raised questions about leadership, education and economic development while some reflected on the country’s political climate, and others sought insights into how Malaysia could move forward.

Since the book’s release last August, Mohammed said his initial sales expectations have been met.

He is considering a translation into Bahasa Malaysia, but is looking for a translator who can retain the conversational yet analytical tone of the original work.

“My writing style is casual and conversational but it carries a serious message.

“I need to find someone who can translate it without losing that tone,” he said.

The event wrapped up with a book-signing session, where attendees spoke further with the author about his research and findings.

How Malaysia Missed 7 Chances at Nation Building, in paperback, is priced at RM70.

The book is available at bookstores and online at www.mohammedhussein.my

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Tuesday, February 25, 2025

China Advances To Second Place In Global Soft Power Ranking – OpEd


China has overtaken the UK to secure 2nd place globally, advancing one position from the previous year … in the Global Soft Power Index 2025.

The latest report of the Global Soft Power Index for 2025 by influential brand valuation consultancy, Brand Finance, highlights the remarkable progress of China in its index ranking the extent of power and influence in world politics and international relations wielded by countries of the world. It now sits at second place behind the US which, although ranking first, has seen its soft power standing undermined by global concerns of its political stability, reputation and governance.

The Global Soft Power Index report is based primarily on key indicators in economics and business. It also measures attributes related to culture and heritage, media and  communication, education and science and sustainability. These together are increasingly seen as the other more influential and effective side of the power coin as compared with the flip side of hard power associated with military power and intervention, coercive diplomacy and economic sanction. 

The report notes that China retains first place globally for ‘ease to do business in and with’ and ‘future growth potential’ attributes for the last four years consecutively. This is a picture quite different to the one of ‘China collapsing’ and ‘China in economic crisis’ regularly featured in western mainstream media and reproduced by supporting Asian media.

What is also notable is that China has soared to 7th place in the ranking of ‘culture and heritage’ and ‘media and communication’ attributes. This trend is strengthening with the further opening up of the country to foreign visitors and the global impact of the movie, Ne Zhe2 (NZ2) and Deep Seek, the artificial intelligence app.

The impact of NZ2 and Deep Seek  in their respective fields has been such that western media leaders such as CNN, BBC and New York Times that regularly engage in anti-China reporting, as well as have ignored or marginalized Chinese achievements, have been reluctantly aroused to run stories on them, albeit with their mandatory negative comments. Meanwhile, missing from the mainstream media coverage is India’s decline from the 29th position in 2024 to its current 30th position in 2025.

Ne Zha2 Global Movie Megahit

Ne Zha2 (NZ2), the latest China produced animation film hit with its story line of family, friendship, loyalty and sacrifice encapsulated within a framework of Chinese mythology and techno wizardry has captivated movie audiences wherever it has been shown and is expected to generate more than US$2 billion in box office takings. This will make it the highest ranking box office animated film in the world. 

What’s appealing to movie fans, especially American audiences viewing it in the small number of cinemas it is showing – 300 of 9595 movie theatres – are not just the universal themes of courage and resilience but also the absence of messages relating to wokeness, political correctness, and attitude. 

Unlike in the West, where cultural dominance has been tied to colonial conquest and expansion, religion and political dominance, this example of film making and cultural influence is different. In today’s high-tech era, films like NZ2 demonstrate how technology, storytelling and cultural heritage can converge to create a new filmmaking and culture dissemination model rooted in non ideological equality and dialogue rather than the legacy western model with its message of white, Christian and ideological goodness, superiority and supremacy.

Movie audiences are no strangers to mythology-based storytelling. However, Chinese and other non-western mythology and story lines have been underexplored in the global entertainment world despite their rich history and universal themes. This is not only due to cultural and historical differences. It is more importantly an outcome of American dominance in the development of the movie industry since the early 20th century.

Hollywood – with US government support – has dominated the world box office for more than a century and helped to shape how audiences in Europe, Asia, Africa and Latin America view the US and the world. Whilst this continues today, the success of Ne Zha and its sequel should encourage small countries in their cultural confidence and ability to tell their own stories. This will impact their soft power influence and ranking among the countries of the world.

Deep Seek: Sputnik Moment and Bombshell Impact 

NZ2 comes on the heels of Deep Seek with the latter emerging like a bombshell in app stores around the world. As the most downloaded AI app, replacing Chat GPT, the Chinese AI model has significantly impacted the global tech industry by its cost-effective low budget development. This has caused major tech stocks to plummet and raised questions about the shifting power dynamics in the AI market. Many now see China as a major player in AI development that can challenge western AI apps presently dominating the market and tech giants such as Microsoft and Google.

What’s important to the estimated 5 billion smartphone users in the world – they account for over 60% of the world’s population – is not that it is a Chinese app but that it is free. For those using it, Deep Seek has pioneered and opened the door to an open source app that can be used and modified easily and without the need to pay a fee or royalty.

Deep Seek and NZ2 are not the only examples of China’s growing soft power in the world. They follow Huawei, BYD, TikTok, Red Note and other recent China innovations and products developed entirely or mainly with homegrown talent whose ripple effects are affecting and undermining US and western domination of the existing world order.

How will Trump’s MAGA Impact Global Power Balance

Perhaps the greatest asset to China’s influence in the world for now comes from an unlikely source – President Donald Trump. As the world’s greatest political influencer and news maker, Trump in his mission to make America great again has embarked on a foreign policy campaign that has made allies of the US realize that their client status makes it inevitable that their interests will be placed on the sacrificial table if they stand in the way of Trump’s redefinition of American hard and soft power, and the ensuing relations with Russia, China or any other adversary. 

This, combined with China’s burgeoning soft power achievements, and Belt and Road Initiative with its emphasis on economic development and regional connectivity to bring about shared prosperity, will result in the more rapid remaking of the current world order to a more equitable and inclusive

Lim Teck Ghee

Lim Teck Ghee PhD is a Malaysian economic historian, policy analyst and public intellectual whose career has straddled academia, civil society organisations and international development agencies. He has a regular column, Another Take, in The Sun, a Malaysian daily; and is author of Challenging the Status Quo in Malaysia.

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How does USAID use aid to interfere with and 'brainwash' recipients?


Sunday, February 23, 2025

How does USAID use aid to interfere with and 'brainwash' recipients?


 Picture shows the US Agency for International Development (USAID) headquarters in Washington, DC, the US, on February 3, 2025. Photo: VCG

In the first installment of the Global Times' new series to outline the history, the funding chains, and complex controversies behind the US Agency for International Development (USAID), we analyzed what purposes the agency serves for the US, and how it has gradually evolved into a large entity with over 10,000 employees worldwide. 

In the second installment of the series, we aim to uncover how USAID has used foreign aid for more than half a century to carry out ideological infiltration and so-called "democratic reforms" in developing countries, thereby serving the geopolitical interests of the US.

As the wrestling over the USAID is still ongoing, several Chinese experts reached by the Global Times agreed that the agency may undergo significant changes in its organizational structure and functions, but the political role it plays and the US government's practices of interference and penetration in other countries are unlikely to cease.

Development is the eternal pursuit of human society. Foreign aid should be an important resource for addressing global development challenges, yet it is viewed by the US as a tool to maintain its hegemonic position and engage in geopolitical maneuvering. Agencies and organizations like the USAID are "white gloves" for this selfish and hypocritical approach, according to two reports by the Chinese Foreign Ministry published in 2024 on the US foreign aid. 

The problems that the US has accumulated in its foreign aid efforts will ultimately harm the country itself, experts noted.

No free lunch

The USAID is the main foreign aid agency of the US, but, notably, the "humanitarian aid" or "development aid" it claims to provide is mostly accompanied by political preconditions that align with American values. 

According to a report by the Chinese Foreign Ministry published in April 2024 titled The Hypocrisy and Facts of the United States Foreign Aid, from the 1970s to the 1980s, US aid to developing countries was based on the premise that recipient countries would undergo marketization and privatization structural adjustments to achieve economic goals.

The USAID has publicly formulated a policy in this regard, requiring recipient countries to use aid mainly for the development of private enterprises and not for public investment. Such unilateral aid by the US was difficult to meld with local circumstances and affected the ecology and endogenous driving force of sustainable economic development of recipient countries and increased their debt burden, according to the report.

A Global Times reporter had studied conflict prevention and peacebuilding at Durham University in the UK from 2014 to 2015. USAID is one of the main future employment paths for students in this program, especially for those from the US. 

Based on the reporter's observation, compared to other organizations relevant to the course, USAID shows more pronounced characteristics of hegemonism and interventionism as it places greater emphasis on supporting the US' "agents" in other countries through aid to expand US influence and interests in the recipient regions, while also exporting American values and ideologies in the process.

The course provides an opportunity to observe what the potential "talent pool" for USAID looks like. From the reporter's observations, a part of American students in the class were pragmatic "defenders of American interests." They held distinct positions and made value judgments based on American and Western interests or ideologies regarding conflicts, taking sides accordingly and discussing specific aid proposals based on that foundation. 

They firmly believed that this could improve human rights conditions in the relevant countries and regions, as they perceived American ideology and values to represent the direction in which civilization and humanity should progress. Therefore, in their view, aid recipients that align with American values are deemed worthy of assistance. Even in conflict zones or areas that have long lacked education and basic human rights protections, they prioritize supporting local "pro-Western progressive forces" to seize power, even if this could worsen human rights conditions, the Global Times reporter found.

USAID's ideological infiltration and interference in the internal affairs of other countries has been criticized and publicly condemned by multiple nations. 

"What we have learned about it now suggests that it was an agency for interfering in the internal affairs of other states and changing the regimes in many countries," Russian Foreign Ministry spokesperson Maria Zakharova commented at a press conference on February 6, according to the website of the Russian Foreign Ministry. 

On February 9, a protest against mining organized by the opposition took place in El Salvador. El Salvador's President Nayib Bukele subsequently responded to the protest on X and said "It's clear there is no opposition without USAID money." 

In a previous post on February 2 on X, he said "Most governments don't want USAID funds flowing into their countries because they understand where much of that money actually ends up. While marketed as support for development, democracy, and human rights, the majority of these funds are funneled into opposition groups, NGOs with political agendas, and destabilizing movements."

"Many projects of the in USAID are aimed at cultivating so-called 'civil forces' or 'opinion leaders,' and through these aid recipients, they foster dissatisfaction and division in local societies, without making real improvements in local conditions," said Lü Xiang, an expert at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences. 

A staff is taking off a sign of the USAID in a community in Cucuta, Colombia, on February 9, 2019. Photo: AFP

A staff is taking off a sign of the USAID in a community in Cucuta, Colombia, on February 9, 2019. Photo: AFP



Despicable acts targeting China


As an infamous "white glove" of the US government, USAID had also repeatedly exploited its resources and influence to interfere in China's internal affairs, undermine stability in some regions in the country, tarnish China's image, and incite hostility toward China in the international community. The so-called lofty slogans of "democracy" and "human rights" that USAID promotes cannot conceal its despicable intentions to suppress and split China.

Earlier this month, the Hong Kong Public Opinion Research Institute (HKPORI), a USAID-backed separatist group, stated on its website that it "will suspend all its self-funded research activities indefinitely." Many believed the suspension was directly linked to the closure of USAID, which had been funding this group to undermine the national security law for Hong Kong and the Chinese central government. 

Chung Kim-wah, former deputy executive director of the HKPORI who moved to the UK in 2022, was one of the six wanted overseas-based activists named by Hong Kong police last month for allegedly contravening the national security law.

USAID had also been found to provide long-term support to anti-China separatist organizations globally, continuously engaging in China's internal affairs concerning regions like Xinjiang, Xizang, Hong Kong and the island of Taiwan, through these organizations.

The Swiss Better Cotton Initiative (BCI), for instance, in 2021 announced the suspension of projects related to Xinjiang cotton, against the backdrop of the "forced labor" smear campaign against Xinjiang cotton by US-led Western media outlets. USAID is a major funding partner of the BCI. 

In this context, it's hard to say there's no connection between BCI's claims about Xinjiang and USAID, some observers said. 

Similar conditions happen on the island of Taiwan. A February 17 editorial by Taiwan media China Times stated that, several NGOs on the island of Taiwan that support separatist Democratic Progressive Party had indirectly received financial support from USAID. 

In recent years, as initiatives like the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) have benefited an increasing number of countries and regions worldwide, China's growing international influence has become a target of resentment for the US. Funding both domestic and overseas groups to undermine China's cooperative projects abroad and damaging its international image has therefore become a primary task for the US' "white glove" agents including USAID. In November 2023, for instance, a research lab at US-based William & Mary's Global Research Institute named AidData released a report slandering the BRI. AidData's website shows USAID as is its major partner and funder.

In Serbia, USAID had been accused of infiltrating local anti-government protests, and had repeatedly engaged in promoting rumors targeting local Chinese-invested projects. The "carcinogenic Chinese-owned steel company" rumor in late 2021 was a typical example, fabricated by a Serbian NGO Tvrdjava ("Fortress") backed by USAID. 

A Reuters report in November 2021 cited data obtained by Tvrdjava, alleging that Smederevo Steelworks in central Serbia caused a great amount of pollution and even increased "cancer cases," after being purchased by China's HeSteel Group (HBIS) in 2016. Chinese media outlets later refuted the claim with solid data.

Inglorious chain of funds 

According to a February 7 article by US think tank Council on Foreign Relations (CFR), USAID is funded by the US Congress, which allocates money for it through the State, foreign operations, and related programs appropriations each fiscal year. 

Data from the CFR and US government showed that the US disbursed close to $72 billion in foreign assistance worldwide in fiscal year 2023, nearly 61 percent of which was distributed through USAID.

Nonetheless, the vast majority of USAID's substantial funding might not actually reach those in need. US Representative Brian Mast said to Columbia Broadcasting System (CBS) on February that when it comes to USAID funding, only "10 to 30 cents on the dollar is what actually goes to aid." Earlier, a January USAID report recapping 2024 stated that, about 12.1 percent of all USAID funding goes directly to local organizations in foreign countries, including NGOs, the private sector, and government partners. More of its expenditures were reportedly spent back in the US.

USAID was also found to have been largely engaged in many misinformation campaigns targeting the US' "rivals," diverting substantial funds, which could have been used to develop economies and improve lives in areas of need, toward despicable cognitive warfare tactics.

In September 2024, US Congress authorized appropriations for "Countering the People's Republic of China Malign Influence Fund," which planned to appropriate $325 million for each of the fiscal years between 2023 and 2027 - $1.625 billion in total - to counter the so-called maligning influence of China. In other words, to counter any aspects that the US perceives as unfavorable from China.

The Congress didn't explicitly say who would operate the massive fund of $1.6 billion, but USAID were found behind the scene. Act H.R. 1157, which Congress passed to authorize the money, directly mentioned that the administrator of USAID must designate a senior official as the "assistant coordinator" of the program. 

Many actions to badmouth China might have been carried out globally under such programs. In September 2021, for instance, Zimbabwe's largest daily newspaper, The Herald, revealed that the US was funding and training local reporters to write anti-China stories and discredit Chinese investments, Xinhua reported in October that year.

Facing doubts and challenges, the future direction of USAID is filled with uncertainty. Experts reached by the Global Times said that the USAID may undergo significant changes in both its organizational structure and functional roles in the future. However, the US government's need for political influence abroad still exists, experts warned. 

The overall scale of USAID is expected to be significantly reduced and some of USAID's functions, including those with political objectives, may still be retained in another form in the future. The agency may work more closely with external propaganda and foreign political relations, such as collaborating with US embassies and other institutions abroad, Lü said. 

Song Guoyou, an expert at Fudan University, believes that the likelihood of USAID being completely dismantled during Donald Trump's presidency is low, but it will inevitably undergo major institutional adjustments, project adjustments, and shifts in aid direction. 

Song predicted that the adjustments may lead USAID to stop those activities that are "both wasteful and harmful." But actions that are "detrimental to other countries but beneficial to the US" will continue by the USAID or any other potential agencies.

A 'white glove'

A 'white glove'

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