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Showing posts with label US arms sales to Taiwan. Show all posts
Showing posts with label US arms sales to Taiwan. Show all posts

Wednesday, October 28, 2020

US profited from its weapons of deaths sales to Taiwan can be curbed? Yes and undoubtedly

A Taiwan warship launches a US-made Harpoon missile during the annual "Han Kuang" military drill on July 15, 2020. Photo: AFP

The US has decided to sell 100 Harpoon Coast Defense Systems to the island of Taiwan for $2.37 billion, a deal that Taiwan authorities have welcomed and appreciated, according to Western media reports. It is reportedly the fourth of seven arms sales that Washington announced in September, and the second to have been approved in a week.

US arms sales to Taiwan have broken some previous restrictions under the Trump administration, becoming significantly more aggressive with an increase in the attack capability of the weapons. It appears that the country aims to gradually eliminate the taboo of selling defensive weapons to Taiwan by doing so. In the past, the US refrained on aggressive arms sales to Taiwan, except for the deal that the George H. W. Bush administration made in 1992 when the US sold 150 F-16 fighter jets to the island.

With the intention of using the "Taiwan card" to undermine China's development strengthens, the US is now seeing arms sales to Taiwan as a favorite trick of straight flush as it not only plays up the island's increased dependence on it and hope of "Taiwan secessionists" on the US over security, but also provokes the Chinese mainland. Washington has put itself on a position of being both player and banker in the risky game across the Taiwan Straits.

However, the increasing strength provides the Chinese mainland with a theoretically higher control of the situation. We should have the courage and wisdom to activate this capability, create leverage to exert strong influence and limit US arms sales to the island, and gradually seize the initiative in the game.

First, we should make an objective and firm judgment on the comparison of military strength across the Taiwan Straits - that is to say, the military strength of the mainland have formed an overwhelming advantage over Taiwan, which cannot be changed by US arms sales to Taiwan.

This gives us the strategic advantage to resolve the issue of US arms sales to Taiwan once and for all. We have the initiative in hand to decide how to eliminate this problem - on how long, at what intensity, and at what cost.

The momentum of US arms sales to Taiwan must be checked to fight the arrogance of "Taiwan secessionists." The sales have become the most substantial link between the US and the island of Taiwan, from which more interest chains and space for collusion can derive. We should not be indifferent to the sales despite our stronger military power over the island. Preventing US arms sales to the island from upgrading should become one of the main battlefields for the next cross-Straits struggle.

In the interest chain of US arms sales to Taiwan, the weak part is the Taiwan authorities and relevant US enterprises and interest groups. China in the next step should carefully investigate the institutions and individuals that have played a role in the US arms sales to Taiwan, and step up sanctions on them, making them pay the price.

We must make it clear to Taiwan authorities that purchasing weapons, especially offensive ones on a large scale, from the US will never be accepted by the Chinese mainland. The mainland will therefore take punitive measures, just like military actions as a warning if higher-level US officials visit Taiwan. As a result, Taiwan's purchase of US arms will be of no help in deterring the mainland, but the process itself is highly risky. The more US weapons the island buys, the more insecure it will become.

The mainland's punitive measures will, first of all, include making it routine to fly military aircraft across the so-called middle line of the Taiwan Straits. The mainland can also dispatch its jets over the island of Taiwan, normalize aircraft patrols approaching the island, and launch economic blockade against the island.

If these still cannot curb the military collusion between the US and the island of Taiwan, the mainland can resort to the ultimate warning - the People's Liberation Army would destroy the US offensive weapons Taiwan newly deploys. If Taiwan authorities refuse to be restrained, the mainland will end the dirty arms trade between the US and the island with a crisis. When there is a severe clash between the US, the Chinese mainland and the island of Taiwan, Taiwan authorities must be crushed first.

The long-term peace in the Taiwan Straits has emboldened Taiwan secessionists. The strength of the mainland is growing, while the "Taiwan secession" has come to a dead end. However, the Democratic Progressive Party authorities are becoming increasingly unbridled, thinking they have gained more support from the US. They misjudge the situation. The mainland must exert unprecedented pressure on the island to curb the evil trend. 

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The spirit of CPV soldiers resisting US aggression in Korean War inspires generations of Chinese people



The Memorial Hall of the War to Resist US Aggression and Aid Korea in Dandong, Northeast China's Liaoning Province Photo: Li Qiao/GT

It's hard to imagine visitors bursting into song when they visit a memorial hall. But it occurs often in the Memorial Hall of the War to Resist US Aggression and Aid Korea in Dandong, Northeast China's Liaoning Province. The border city attracts many seeking to learn the history and commemorate the spirit of the Chinese People's Volunteers (CPV) army.

Visitors hum the nationally renowned anthem of the CPV army. "This song and the heroic deeds of CPV soldiers were with us growing up," a visitor in her seventies, with a Chinese national flag sticker on her face, told the Global Times.

October 25 was the CPV army's first fighting day of the war, exactly 70 years ago in 1950. Seventy years have passed and more CPV soldiers have left us in recent years. It may be difficult for the next generation to hear their stories in person. However, the CPV army's sacrifice of resisting US aggression, aiding Korea and defending national security is not forgotten, and their heroism is inspiring generations of Chinese committed to serving their country.

CPV soldier Han Tingfu, 94, is wheeled on a visit to the exhibition of the War to Resist US Aggression and Aid Korea in the Military Museum of the Chinese People's Revolution in Beijing on Sunday. Photo: Li Hao/GT

Heroes not forgotten

More than 29 million CPV soldiers participated in the War to Resist US Aggression and Aid Korea, with 197,653 soldiers confirmed as martyrs by China's Civil Affairs Ministry. Many of the surviving soldiers are in their nineties. For some veterans, it might be difficult to visit the memorial hall or other historical sites of the war in Dandong. But people related to CPV soldiers and who experienced that period of history still commemorate their legacy in various ways.

"Inspired by the CPV soldiers I admire most, I became a radar operator in Air Force when I grew up," He Shufang, an 84-year-old visitor from Fencheng city, Northeast China's Liaoning Province, told the Global Times.

While looking at a CPV exhibit in the memorial hall, He sang "Heroic Auto Driver," a song about the War to Resist US Aggression and Aid Korea. "It was a CPV soldier who taught me this song when we lived together. My biggest regret was seeing them go to the battlefield but not seeing them come back," He said.

Fengcheng is only 73 kilometers away from Dandong. Seventy years ago, his family lent a room to CPV soldiers. Half of his school building was lent to CPV soldiers.

"Even though we were far behind the US in terms of weaponry, I felt that our CPV soldiers were still full of courage to rush to the battlefield to defeat US aggressors under difficult conditions. The days living with them inspired me to join the army and defend our country later," He said.

He said he would enlist in the army again if he could and expects young people to work hard and love their country. "We Chinese love peace and don't want to get involved in wars but we are not afraid of wars if there are aggressions," He noted.

Visitors tour the Military Museum of the Chinese People's Revolution in Beijing on the first day of a special exhibition marking the 70th anniversary of the CPV army's participation in the War to Resist US Aggression and Aid Korea on Sunday. Photo: Li Hao/GT

There are also many relatives of CPV soldiers who visited the memorial hall in memory of their loved ones. "I came to visit the memorial hall for the sake of my brother who passed away two years ago," said Xiao Yumei, a 75-year-old woman from Dalian, a four-hour's drive away from Dandong.

Her older brother, Xiao Peiyuan, was a CPV soldier who was transferred back home after losing a toe on his left foot during the war. The soldiers who fought with him all died in combat.

"Looking at the mock scene of the war, it's as if my brother is one of the unnamed heroes here on display. If only my brother could come see it and celebrate the 70th anniversary with us." Xiao said.

Xiao noted the living should appreciate heroes who sacrificed their lives for the safety of a neighboring country and the motherland, and that the living should follow in their footsteps of history.

Zhang Fasong, 90, traveled 1,223 kilometers from Hegang, Northeast China's Heilongjiang Province to observe the war's 70th anniversary in Dandong. He described this trip as his dream journey.

Seventy years ago, Zhang failed to join the CPV army because he was two centimeters short of the height requirement.

Standing on the Yalu River Broken Bridge watching North Korea on the other side, Zhang told the Global Times that, "I'm 90 and I don't know how long I'll live. Before I die, I just want to see the Yalu River and tell the CPV soldiers who crossed the river 70 years ago that China is today prosperous and we are enjoying a peaceful and happy life now."

Six-year-old Huhu, dressed in CPV army clothing, commemorates the War to Resist US Aggression and Aid Korea, which his great-grandfather had participated in, on the Yalu River Broken Bridge in Dandong on Friday. Photo: Cui Meng/GT

Inheriting the spirit

Many young Chinese only learn about the history from textbooks and have little personal connection with the war. Some of them specifically come to Dandong to learn about this history, saying they are touched and inspired by the spirit of the CPV after learning of their heroism.

Zhang Yating, 32, expects to completely learn about the war history in Dandong. She is a nurse from Beijing who battled on the anti-epidemic front line earlier this year. She was honored as one of "the most admirable people in the new era."

Zhang was responsible for conducting nucleic acid tests.

"It was a very difficult time being wrapped in protective clothing every day and not being able to see my children and parents for safety reasons. However, compared with dangers which CPV soldiers suffered from, the difficulties which I experienced for anti-epidemic work were nothing," Zhang said after visiting the memorial hall.

Zhang said she was disappointed by US smears toward China's anti-epidemic work. "Our CPV heroes defeated US aggression 70 years ago. Our medical staff, inheriting their heroic spirit, struck down US slander by effectively controlling COVID-19," Zhang noted.

During Qingming Festival, Mid-autumn Festival and other national holidays, people from all over the country come to sweep tombs for CPV martyrs, Sun Dali, the director of the Dandong Cemetery of the War to Resist US Aggression and Aid Korea Martyrs, told the Global Times.

Because of anti-epidemic measures, the cemetery held an online memorial service for the Qingming Festival in April. A CPV martyr's relative in the epidemic's most affected city, Wuhan, Central China's Hubei Province, was quarantined at home and burst into tears seeing the tombstone online, Sun said.

China introduced the Heroes and Martyrs Protection Law in 2018, which protects the reputation of heroes and promotes commemoration of their legacy.

"The nation and society have paid more and more attention to the CPV martyrs in recent years. The young generation will inherit the spirit of our heroes," Sun said.

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China is steadily on its path of peaceful development and safeguards just interests. It does not view India or the US as a foe. As some engage in plots or conspiracies, just let them be. They are bound to suffer the consequences.

 

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Saturday, January 11, 2020

US gains limited from changed China policy


 

The year 2019 has been one in which US sought to reconstruct its relations with China.

First, the US reset the premise of its policies toward China. From former president Bill Clinton to Barack Obama, Washington used to consider living with a rising China conditionally as the precondition; but since Donald Trump took office, he has changed the relatively friendly premise into a hostile one. Trying to slow down China's development and preventing the country from surpassing or even replacing the US have become the real intention of his China policy.

Second, the US reframed its relations with China, taking economic and trade ties as the turning point, as well as putting in more efforts in diplomacy, security, politics and culture. The key tools in its reconstruction of economic and trade ties were the war of tariffs, technology and finance.

During 2019, the trade war launched by the US against China saw many ups and downs. The number of products on which the two sides slapped duties reached an unprecedented scale. With the escalating tech war against China, the US Commerce Department added Huawei and 70 affiliates to its "entity list." Besides, China was listed as a currency manipulator by the US Department of Treasury.

Meanwhile, the Trump administration carried out a whole-of-government approach to compete with China and imposed all-round pressure on China.

The US has continued to meddle in Taiwan-related affairs. The Trump administration approved the sale of 66 F-16 fighters to Taiwan in August, the biggest military transaction between the US and Taiwan. Then US National Security Advisor John Bolton's meeting with Taiwan's National Security Council (NSC) head David Lee in the White House in May indicated the upgrade of US-Taiwan relations, which happened for the first time since 1950s.

Most seriously, the US was trying to promote Taiwan's status as a sovereign state. In the Indo-Pacific Strategy Report issued by US Department of Defense, Taiwan was publicly listed as a country; and the Coordination Council for North American Affairs was changed into Taiwan Council for US Affairs.

In 2019, US so-called freedom of navigation operations in the South China Sea were much more aggressive. The China-proposed Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) was also besieged and smeared by the US. The US Indo-Pacific Strategy is meant to counter China's BRI.

Additionally, the US has stepped up competition with China politically and ideologically and kept attacking China's political system.

In terms of the issues of Xinjiang and Hong Kong, US interference was way more blatant than before. The US even passed the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act, in order to legalize its future interference in the Hong Kong issue. Moreover, the US attacked China's governance in Xinjiang. Not only did the Ministry of Commerce impose export control over 28 Chinese business entities, but the US Department of State also announced visa restrictions against Chinese officials and their relatives. US Congress, furthermore, passed the so-called Uyghur Human Rights Policy Act, keeping up the pressure on China even more.

The series of measures the Trump administration employed to restructure the China-US relationship framework are aggressive.

The Trump administration is trying to change the way China and US interact. It believes that Washington should abandon the engagement policy and cooperation should give way to strategic competition and that the US must pressure China to make concessions. That being the case, the Trump administration has changed the approach of engagement and hedging, reduced engagement and cooperation, and increased confrontation and conflicts with China.

When some hawks within the Trump government talk about China-US competition, what they really want are confrontation and conflict. Many working-level dialogue mechanisms established during the George W. Bush and Obama administrations are no longer in operation. Now Washington resorts to trade, technological and financial wars as well as sanctions. How far can the US go in this way?

First, it depends on how much price the US is willing to pay. Competition, decoupling, confrontation, and non-cooperation all come at a price. The US-launched trade war against China has impacted US agricultural and manufacturing industries and forced consumers to pay more, while the technological war has put the US high-tech industry under risk of losing the Chinese market. Escalating military competition with China means a significant increase in US military expenditure. Restricting China-US people-to-people exchanges will also cause losses to American universities and research institutions.

In fact, with the negative effects of the Trump administration's China policy increasingly becoming apparent, doubts within the US have grown. Although the US elites have generally reached a consensus on a tougher stance against China, they have yet to agree on how much price the US can pay.

Second, China-US relations are the result of bilateral interactions and cannot be unilaterally decided by the US. Facing heightened US pressure, China is exploring more effective ways to respond. Beijing is not afraid of competition.

Finally, the attitudes of the international community and the US allies matter. The China policy and other foreign policies of the Trump administration not only aimed at maximizing US interests, but also have the features of protectionism and unilateralism. The trade war against China has damaged global industrial and value chains, undermining the interests of other countries including US allies.

To sum up, although the US has benefited from its China policy recalibration, its gains are limited. How far will the US move to restructure its relations with China go? It hinges on the changes in US domestic politics as well as China's will and art in wrangling with the US.

By Wu Xinbo Source:Global Times - The author is dean of the Institute of International Studies at Fudan University.


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Thursday, August 22, 2019

US divides China by playing risky Taiwan card with arms sales that will lead to serious consequences and puts Taiwan at risk

New U.S. arms sale to Taiwan and rising trends of 'white supremacy' in the U.S

https://youtu.be/yMiBxgtRxnM

White House playing wrong card in its risky game with China


Following its $2.2 billion arms deal with Taiwan that was announced on July 9, the United States Department of State has reportedly "informally" notified corresponding House and Senate committees that it supports the sale of F-16 fighter jets to the island.

Not surprisingly, the Chinese government has lodged "solemn representations" against the $8 billion deal, as it has each time arms sales to the island have been proposed or carried out.

That is because they seriously violate the one-China principle and the three China-US joint communiqués, especially the Aug 17, 1982, communiqué, and interfere in China's internal affairs and undermine China's sovereignty and security interests, as the Chinese Foreign Ministry pointed out on Monday.

Of course, should the deal get the green light and be inked by both Washington and Taipei, the actual delivery will not take place for several years.

Even if they were to be delivered immediately, 66 F-16s will do very little to change the military imbalance between the two sides of the Taiwan Straits.

Given the mainland's asymmetrical and constantly enlarging military advantage against Taiwan, rather than constituting a severe security challenge to the mainland, the surplus F-16s to be sold to Taiwan represent a matter of principle in Beijing's eyes. It holds sovereignty over Taiwan to be a "core interest" as well as a diplomatic redline in its relations with foreign countries.

Not to mention there is the legitimate concern that the Washington may be employing the arms sales to Taiwan, along with the ongoing protests in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region, as bargaining chips in its trade talks with Beijing.

However, playing the Taiwan card will more likely than not ruin the prospect of a deal rather than facilitate it. As Beijing has repeatedly stated, a deal will not be made at the expense of such a key national interest.

The only thing the proposed arms sale can do is to send what Washington has time and again been warned are the "wrong messages" to Taipei, encouraging it to edge further toward a military showdown with the mainland, the outcome of which is easily predictable. Such a scenario would be detrimental to Taiwan, the mainland and the US.

Given it announced it would impose sanctions on the companies involved in the July deal, Beijing's response to the latest arms sales has actually been disproportionally restrained so far considering the severity of the matter.

But Washington should stop its grave interference in China's internal affairs, cease selling arms to the island and end all military contacts with it, otherwise China will have to take measures to safeguard its interests depending on how the situation develops. Source link



US arms sales to Taiwan will lead to serious consequences 
 
Gun and Freedom

US President Donald Trump confirmed Sunday that he has approved the sale of $8 billion worth of F-16V fighter jets to Taiwan. According to reports, the arms sales involved 66 fighters of this type, and it was believed that the deal will pass smoothly in US Congress.

It would be the largest single US arms sale to Taiwan in recent years. In 1992, the Bush administration decided to sell 150 F-16A/B fighter jets worth $6 billion to Taiwan. That deal wreaked havoc on Sino-US relations.

Objectively, with the PLA's combat capability constantly increasing, even if Taiwan spends all defense budgets to buy US weapons, it will have no real impact on the military situation across the Taiwan Straits. Taiwan is no longer a military rival of the Chinese mainland. The PLA has the ability to disarm the Taiwan military in a very short time. US arms sales to Taiwan cannot change this basic reality.

However, US arms sales to Taiwan have become the biggest link in strengthening political relations between the US and the island of Taiwan.

Beijing has been consistently opposing US arms sales to Taiwan. This time the Trump administration is doing what the Bush administration did 27 years ago, and it comes at a time of tensions between China and the US. It is expected that China will take strong countermeasures.

The Chinese mainland can take steps in two directions. First, it can crank up military pressure on Taiwan, so that it will become a political liability for Tsai ing-wen and her administration. Second, the more weapons Taiwan buys, the greater the risk. Whoever pushes for arms purchases will suffer politically. The Chinese mainland must act firm to establish a new political understanding of Taiwan's military purchases.

There are many measures that the Chinese mainland can take in this regard. To date, promoting peaceful reunification has been the basic purpose of the mainland’s cross-Strait policies. China's policy toward Taiwan can be changed, given the worsening cross-Strait relations by Taiwan authorities. Ratcheting up military pressure is another option for China. It is very dangerous to use force to resist reunification and serve as a strategic pawn of the US, especially at a time of serious tensions between China and the US.

Beijing should insist that the money for the F-16V sold by the US be deducted from its trade with China. The twists and turns of China-US economic and trade negotiations tell us that the US has no bottom-line, and the longer the battle against it lasts, the more likely it will increase our losses.

We suggest that China directly link US arms sales to Taiwan with China's purchase of US agricultural products in the future. China will buy less US agricultural products for every weapon the US sells to Taiwan. If we make that decision, and stick with it for a few years, it will be American farmers versus arms dealers. It won't be long before there is a domestic backlash in the US against arms sales to Taiwan.

It is a long process from the signing of the arms sales contract between the US and island of Taiwan to its implementation. We must not allow this contract to be implemented comfortably between both parties. We must make both the island of Taiwan and Washington suffer because of it. Source link


Arms purchase puts Taiwan at risk 

The US State Department formally announced on Tuesday that the US government had decided to sell $8 billion in military equipment, including 66 new F-16V fighter jets, to the island of Taiwan. The plan still needs congressional approval but it is unlikely to be turned down.

This is the largest-ever US arms sale to the island, which will definitely impact the China-US relations and the situation across the Taiwan Straits.

Taiwan regional leader Tsai Ing-wen's authorities consider the arms purchase a big political score and will try to use it to convince Taiwan people that the US is reliable in protecting the island and that the radical policy of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) is secure, hoping the arms sale could help get Tsai reelected as the regional leader in 2020.

Taiwan's military buildup is meaningless when compared with the People's Liberation Army (PLA), which is getting increasingly stronger. Most analysts believe that it will only take the PLA hours to take down the island if the mainland resorts to force. It doesn't matter what weapons the island has purchased.

What Taiwan needs most to keep itself safe is to hold the political bottom line rather than picking a wrong path that leads to the extreme condition, in which the PLA has no alternative but to take decisive action. The major arms purchase could probably bring the island greater risks instead of security.

Taiwan must never try to promote de jure independence. If the island goes toward the direction with the salami-slicing strategy, it will only accumulate risks for itself. Taiwan must not act as a puppet of the US to contain the Chinese mainland. Otherwise, it will only find a dead end. The US won't be able to protect it and the Chinese mainland will definitely not let it have its way.

Taiwan considers Chinese mainland-US tensions an opportunity to develop its ties with the US. The island has been trying to get involved in the US Indo-Pacific Strategy, proactively enhancing its role as a leverage of the US to strategically contain the Chinese mainland. It is a very risky move.

The higher cost and the risk of resorting to force is an important reason the Chinese mainland upholds peaceful reunification. Once the island's authorities, by cooperating with the US, sharply increase the mainland's cost of maintaining peace across the Taiwan Straits, the mainland will certainly reconsider its peaceful reunification policy and deliberate on other options.

If the Taiwan authorities insist on going their own way, the PLA will likely take action against the island to either liberate the island or deter and alert Taiwan secessionist forces. If the island's authorities are bent on their wrong way, the mainland will increase military pressure on the island. Simultaneously, the probability of cross-Straits military frictions will grow, which will boost the likelihood that the PLA will take forceful military measures to punish the island. The DPP will pay for its ventures. Source link

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