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Showing posts with label America First. Show all posts
Showing posts with label America First. Show all posts

Monday, May 5, 2025

Brain drain in the USA, ‘America First,’ science on the sidelines?

Trump cutbacks force scientists to increasingly seek jobs in Europe

Student workers of Columbia union members protest Columbia University's recent policy changes and call for protection of international students, restoration of funding, and academic freedom at Columbia University in New York City, US, on March 24, 2025. Photo: IC

David Die Dejean is passionate about studying tuna. Last year, he landed a dream job at National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration in Miami to pursue his research.

By January, he was settled in, had received a good review and loved working with his colleagues, he said.

Then in mid-february he received an email to vacate the premises within 90 minutes. He and hundreds others had been dismissed in job cuts targeting probationary workers as US President Donald Trump’s new administration began slashing funding for universities and research bodies.

Now Die Dejean is applying for positions in Europe.

“I want to work wherever they allow me to do the research,” said the scientist, who studies fish stocks to ensure tuna is being fished sustainably.

“I’m eagerly waiting for some of the things that are coming from the European Union... increasing the opportunities for scientists like me to come back,” said Die Dejean, who was born in Spain but has spent most of his career in the United States and Australia.

Trump’s administration says billions of dollars in cuts are needed to curb the federal deficit and bring the US debt under control.

His cutbacks on research come amid a broader clash that has seen Trump criticise universities as discriminatory for their diversity policies and denounce what he sees as a failure by some institutions to protect Jewish students from antisemitism.

The threat to academics’ livelihoods at universities including Yale, Columbia and Johns Hopkins has given Europe’s political leaders hope they could reap an intellectual windfall.

A letter, reviewed by Reuters, signed in March by 13 European countries including France, Germany and Spain, urged the EU Commission to move fast to attract academic talent.

The European Research Council, an EU body that finances scientific work, told Reuters it would double the relocation budget for funding researchers moving to the EU to €2mil (Rm10mil) per applicant. That goes towards covering the cost of moving to a European institution, which may involve setting up a laboratory.

In Germany, as part of coalition talks for a new government, conservatives and Social Democrats have drawn up plans to lure up to 1,000 researchers, according to negotiation documents from March seen by Reuters that allude to the upheaval in US higher learning.

Reuters spoke to 13 European universities and research institutes that reported seeing an increase in Us-based employees considering crossing the Atlantic, as well as half a dozen Us-based academics pondering a move to Europe.

“Regulatory uncertainty, funding cuts, immigration restrictions, and diminished international collaboration create a perfect storm for brain drain,” said Gray Mcdowell of US digital consultancy firm Capgemini Invent.

A White House official said the administration is analysing research grants and prioritising funding for areas likely to deliver returns for taxpayers “or some sort of meaningful scientific advancement”. The NOAA cuts were designed to avoid compromising its ability to do its duties, the official added.

Pulling in US talent to Europe requires more than good will though. It requires money.

For decades, Europe has lagged far behind the United States on investment in its seats of higher learning. Total expenditure on research and development in the EU among businesses, governments, universities and private non-profit organisations in 2023 was €381bil, according to the latest figures by Eurostat – the statistical office of the European Union.

That same year, total research and experimental development in the United States was estimated at Us$940bil, according to the National Center for Science and Engineering Statistics, a federal agency that provides data on the performance of science and engineering in the United States.

And while the US’S richest university, Harvard, has an endowment worth Us$53.2bil that of Britain’s wealthiest, Oxford, is only £8.3bil.

One academic and an expert in academia said, even with a concerted and substantial effort, Europe would likely need a long time to overturn that spending advantage.

The White House official said even with the cuts, the United States would still account for the most global research funding, adding: “Europe is not going to and cannot fill the void.”

Dozens of scientists have taken to social media encouraging peers to stay in the United States, while others acknowledge a number of drawbacks may deter them from moving.

Michael Olesen, director of an infection prevention programme for a healthcare system in Washington, said language barriers were one potential drawback, as were unfamiliar laws and employment practices.

Salary is another. “My impression is that I would get paid a lot less as an anaesthesiologist in Europe,” said Holden K. Groves, an Assistant Professor of Anaesthesiology at Columbia University, which received funding from the National Institutes of Health (NIH). “It’s a huge ordeal to change.”

Still, Europe’s political leaders feel the stance of the Trump administration has put the wind in their sails.

“The American government is currently using brute force against the universities in the United States, so that researchers from America are now contacting Europe,” Germany’s chancellor-in-waiting, Friedrich Merz, said this month.

“This is a huge opportunity for us.” John Tuthill, a American neuroscience professor at the University of Washington in Seattle, is assessing his options.

He cannot apply for new funding to plan beyond 2027 because grant applications have now been frozen.

The lab of 17 people he runs gets about three-quarters of its funding from the NIH, where the Trump administration has earmarked major cuts.

“Europe is the obvious one, because it is the other hub of biomedical research in the world,” said Tuthill, adding he is weighing up a move with his wife and daughter.

Aix Marseille University in France said it had received interest from 120 researchers at institutions in the United States, including NASA and Stanford, for a €15mil “safe space for science” programme launched on March 7. The initiative aims to attract US staff from fields including health, LGBT+ medicine, epidemiology and climate change.

“Our colleagues were frightened... It was our duty to rise to the occasion,” university director Eric Berton said, noting 10 European universities have contacted him about launching similar programmes.

In the Netherlands, the government wants to establish a fund to attract top foreign scientists and bolster the EU’S ‘strategic autonomy’ aims, Education Minister Eppo Bruins said in a letter.

That marks a policy shift as the government had previously announced plans to cut half a billion euros in research and higher education.

Eindhoven Tech University President Robert-jan Smits told Reuters that bringing in US scientists could boost Europe’s technological sovereignty in areas like semiconductors.

Belgium’s sister universities Vrije Universiteit Brussel and Universite Libre de Bruxelles have launched a scheme encouraging Us-based researchers to apply for 36 postdoctoral positions. And the Alexander von Humboldt Foundation, which promotes the exchange of top scientists to Germany, plans to increase its programmes by about 20%.

The Grantham Institute at Imperial College London, which specialises in climate change research, is creating at least two more research fellowship posts for early-career climate researchers from the United States and has already seen an clear uptick in applications, said its Director of Research, Joeri Rogelj..- Reuters

America First,' science on the sidelines?: US-China ...


OPINION / VIEWPOINT
‘America First,’ science on the sidelines?: US-China-Europe expert dialogue
Published: Apr 24, 2025 10:28 PM
Student workers of Columbia union members protest Columbia University's recent policy changes and call for protection of international students, restoration of funding, and academic freedom at Columbia University in New York City, US, on March 24, 2025. Photo: IC

Student workers of Columbia union members protest Columbia University's recent policy changes and call for protection of international students, restoration of funding, and academic freedom at Columbia University in New York City, US, on March 24, 2025. Photo: IC


Editor's Note:


In recent years, the US has faced unprecedented challenges to its ability to attract top global talent. The "brain drain" in the field of scientific research has been frequently discussed in the media and academia, especially under the current US administration's "America First" policy. The Global Times brings together three experts from China, the US and Europe to discuss how Washington's policy is driving away scientists and its impact on the US' research ecosystem, global talent mobility as well as the future of the global competition in scientific research.

Anthony Moretti, associate professor at the Department of Communication and Organizational Leadership at Robert Morris University

History reminds us that one reason to account for America's prestigious position in areas such as science is that it consistently opened its arms to researchers across the world. Likewise, immigration policies that welcomed such scholars ensured that the US benefited from intellectual firepower whether it was created at home or brought in from elsewhere. Now, America risks suffering from brain drain.

How is it possible that the US, the mythical land of the free, is now a place some scholars want to flee?

Through its insistence that too many colleges and universities are dedicated to "woke" policies and practices and its equally corrosive threats to take away critical grant money, the administration is making it harder and harder for researchers at America's most exceptional institutions to do their jobs. Those with the scholarship or research records that allow them to consider non-US universities are looking elsewhere. Why risk watching decades of work be destroyed?

Many scholars look at the federal government's determination to deport foreign-born graduate students and cannot help but wonder if faculty will be next. Granted, the courts might step in and make it harder for the government to kick international graduate students out of the country. But who could blame a foreign-born researcher for thinking that the courts could decide instead to endorse the president's plans? Why risk deportation?

Do enough people in Washington, and more specifically at the White House, understand the ramifications of losing some of the most intelligent people currently living in the country? US citizens are often told that their country's freedoms explain why millions of people, including the most educated, from across the globe want to live and work in America. That story now rings hollow. Over the past few decades, the US built the largest innovation engine the world has ever seen, but that engine risks short-circuiting.


Li Zheng, research fellow at the Institute of American Studies, China Institutes of Contemporary International Relations

In the post-World War II era, the US built an unrivaled innovation system with its open policies and abundant funding, attracting top talents from around the world. However, this long-standing position is being challenged as recent "America First" policies have created obstacles to continued progress.

For a long time, the US innovation system has been highly dependent on government strategic guidance, diverse teams and overseas scientists. The government has guided the scientific research system through many organizations, such as the National Institutes of Health (NIH) and the National Science Foundation, to explore the best path. The relative transcendence and independence of scientific research institutions also allow scientists to focus their own research areas and make freer choices. Besides, foreign scientists have been the mainstay of the US innovation system, allowing it to continue to gather the world's best talents.

However, the current US administration's science policy has brought harm to the US science, technology and innovation system in three ways. First, research and development funding has shrunk dramatically, with many scientific research organizations being the focus of budget cuts and layoffs. Second, the research climate in the country has been politicized. Third, the US has become more inward-looking and xenophobic in terms of scientific and technological exchanges.

Together, these have put the US science, technology and innovation system at risk of a historic setback. As the US risks losing its researchers more and more, the world isn't stopping. Europe and Canada are welcoming US scientists who want to run away from the country with open arms. Thirteen European governments asked the EU to welcome "brilliant talents from abroad who might suffer from research interference and ill-motivated and brutal funding cuts," while Canada has already become the destination for US scientists who have been laid off and are considering running away. Washington's decision to move against the science and technological development has also given more Asian countries a chance to catch up. China, South Korea and Singapore are investing more in R&D and building world-class research infrastructures. These countries may replace the US as a pole of global science and technology innovation in the future.


Sebastian Contin Trillo-Figueroa, a geopolitics analyst from Spain with a specialization in EU-Asia relations

The Trump administration's policies toward science have researchers witness a core civil right vanishing at speed. As a result, many conclude their work is at risk; and that they could pursue it more freely elsewhere.

Yet it's important to recognize that US researchers remain the best-paid in the world, with access to unmatched research funding. Their decision to leave, despite such advantages, underscores the scale of discontent.

This could have a severe negative effect on the US' scientific and tech development and innovation. First, US scientific leadership is now exposed to internal political turbulence in a way not seen before. Second, allies may begin to sever their reliance on US-based research, while the erosion of institutions like NIH weakens US influence in global science diplomacy. Third, the US may serve as a cautionary tale, demonstrating how easy it is to lose global talent, rather than attract it.

The deeper concern for the US may not be technological decline alone, but a fracture between national identity and its scientific community. Researchers, like many immigrants today, may come to believe the so-called American Dream no longer exists.

The outflow of US-based scientists redistributes knowledge and dilutes American dominance over global research. However, the loss of disillusioned US-based scientists is a net gain elsewhere. The weakening of US research leadership opens space for Europe and Asia to expand their scientific influence. Europe is well-positioned to absorb this shift, drawing on institutional infrastructure, transnational networks, and appeal as a space offering welfare protection and a high quality of life.

While Europe may lead in regulation-intensive fields, Asia - driven by China, India and regional innovation hubs - can pursue development-focused models anchored in long-term planning and state-backed research. China, in particular, may use the opening to advance its own scientific models, supported by large-scale investments and increasingly competitive conditions for high-skilled migrants. If China capitalizes on this exodus, it could absorb much of this talent - and, in doing so, tilt global scientific leadership.

The influx of US-trained scientists becomes not only a boost to research excellence, but a lever for reordering global hierarchies of expertise. Institutional responses across Europe and Asia should be strategic. Talent absorption feeds national innovation strategies and enhances soft power. For instance, China may scale up various initiatives with greater flexibility, aiming to capture expertise while managing reputational risks.


Monday, May 3, 2021

The virus is back! Bond formed through China’s support for India’s anti-epidemic fight overrides irrational public sentiments toward another

The virus is back, this time with more energy, tactics and camouflage.

We don't cough

No fever, it's joint pain, weakness,

Loss of appetite and Covid pneumonia!

Of course, the death rate is higher, it takes less time to get to the extreme. Sometimes no symptoms ... let's be careful ...

The strain is not domiciled in our nasopharyngeal region!

It directly affects the lungs, which means window periods are shortened.

I have seen a number of patients without fever, but an x-ray report shows moderate chest pneumonia!

The nasal swab is often negative for COVID19!

There are more and more false pharyngeal nasal tests COVID19) ... which means that the virus spreads directly to the lungs causing acute respiratory distress due to viral pneumonia! This explains why it has become acute and more fatal !!!Covid21

Be careful, avoid crowded places, wear a face mask, wash our hands often.

*WAVE* more deadly than the first. So we have to be very careful and *take every precaution.*

Indian mutated virus reached Malaysia!

Malaysia reports first case of Indian COVID-19 variant  ...

中国制氧机到了!印度网友啥反应?看清了美国的虚伪面目吗?

 

印度疫情“令人窒息” “美国优先”火上浇油





Indian people with COVID-19 symptoms queue for an Antigen Test at a government hospital. Photo: VCG

Indian people with COVID-19 symptoms queue for an Antigen Test at a government hospital. Photo: VCG

India’s COVID-19 epidemic has continued to rage on. China has become India’s largest supplier of crucial anti-epidemic supplies such as oxygen generators and ventilators. So far, China has provided India with more than 20,000 oxygen generators and 5,000 ventilators. India has submitted orders to Chinese companies to produce over 40,000 units of oxygen generators. However, Indian public opinion has not expressed its gratitude toward China for the emergency supplies, or it can be said that grateful voices have been very few. In contrast, many narratives have stressed that China's supplies are not aid, accusing China of “exploiting the opportunity to make money,” and claiming that it has "geopolitical intentions" to export these goods to India. Such rhetoric in India is in sharp contrast to their high-profile publicity on help from the US and the West. The Chinese people will certainly be disappointed after reading such opinions.

In terms of public opinion, Chinese and Indian societies have not got along well. Border tensions last year escalated sentiments on both sides, leading to a confrontation of public opinion. India has leaned closer to the US, further solidifying the social divide between China and India. This has become the background in which India is dealing with China in the face of a crisis.

China has made the greatest contribution to India’s current fight against the epidemic. Instead of being purely symbolic, China’s support and help has been very substantial. There is no atmosphere of public appreciation of China’s help in India. There is still a lot of resentment over border frictions and strategic hostility toward China. Out of a sense of pride, India has taken a lot of goods from Chinese companies, but has remained silent toward the fact. Hindustan Times has listed ten countries and regions that have started sending relief materials to India, and what kinds of materials they have supplied. But China is not on the list.

In the face of such a response from India, what should we do? Should we publicly accuse India of “repaying good with evil?” or turn our long-standing grievances toward India into mockery, even gloat about the Indian epidemic? I don’t think it is appropriate for us to be overly sensitive toward India’s reaction, especially going further to mock India's failure to fight the virus.

The official mindset of Chinese society toward India’s epidemic situation must be sympathetic and supportive of their battle against it, and this is indeed the case. I don’t think it’s proper for social media accounts of certain Chinese official institutions or other influential forces to mock India at present.

India has indeed done something wrong toward China. Even today when India is in trouble and China is lending it a helping hand, India still holds a grudge and remains narrow-minded. But currently, our prevailing attitude toward India should be still to show our sympathy and support, without being distracted by other sentiments. There is plenty of time and occasions for us to express our views regarding India. And we do not have to speak up upon them when India is struggling against the virus. We should not respond to radical voices in India, instead we should avoid escalating the spat between China and India among public opinion.

Although India has talked little about it, we have to say that China has done a magnificent job in supplying and supporting India. It is necessary for us to make the world more clearly aware of China’s actual role. Meanwhile, not like the US, the Indian government has not attacked China’s fight against the virus, nor has passed the buck to China. Currently, India is not only falling into a humanitarian disaster, but has become weak in the eyes of the rest of the world. The Chinese government proposed to offer India necessary support and assistance much earlier than Western countries. And our supplies have been provided to them with amazing speed, faster than any other country.

I understand that there are many voices and the public has their right to express various sentiments toward India. So do some figures who have many followers on social media platforms. But our public opinion, especially mainstream opinion, needs to follow the Chinese government’s narratives and moves as a whole, forming the tone of sympathy and support for India's fight against the virus. This is an indispensable part of China's national image.

We need to believe that actions speak louder than words. China’s supplies play a crucial role in India’s battle against the virus. We cannot ignore border frictions between China and India, but the bond formed through China’s substantial support to India’s anti-epidemic fight is also there. China and India are neighbors that cannot be moved away from each other. Apart from many frictions, China is India’s close neighbor which is better than a distant relative in the critical time of a crisis. As long as China does its best to bolster India’s fight against the virus, it will certainly become a factor in shaping Indians’ general perceptions of China.

China is a big country with a long history of civilization. Our national and international outlook has been shaped through thousands of years of experience. We should not be influenced by the logic of power which has been prevailing in the US and the West. When stepping up the construction of hard power, we cannot neglect the significance of “convincing people by virtue.” For China, virtue is not hypocrisy. Instead, it is our dignity and strength, which is one of the cornerstones of our international mobilization.

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A patient suffering from the coronavirus disease (COVID-19) receives treatment inside the emergency ward at Holy Family hospital in New Delh.

Tuesday, March 9, 2021

STILL AMRICA FIRST IN TRADE

Domestic drive: The US has endorsed ‘Buy American’ policies, which would favour domestic producers but would be blatantly illegal under WTO rules.

 


https://youtu.be/vcn5Lxshw20 


US’s intention to destroy China will be a difficult process


https://youtu.be/_3tjcoudjbI

US multilateralism is coming back in many areas but in trade, many retrograde policies of the past are continuing.


AFTER the end of the Trump presidency in January, multilateralists around the world heaved a collective sigh of relief.

Gone would be the wrecking ball aimed at international institutions.

Gone would be the go-it-alone approach to dealing with global problems. Gone would be policies towards the rest of the world premised on “America First”.

Gone, hopefully, would be the capricious trade wars, some of them directed at American allies.

To a large extent, these high hopes have proved justified.

Within its first 40 days, the Biden administration has reversed many of its predecessor’s disengagements from multilateral institutions and processes.

It has rejoined the Paris Agreement on climate change, which the United States had abandoned in 2017.

It walked back to former president Donald Trump’s decision to withdraw from the World Health Organisation (WHO), which was due to take effect from July 6.

It has pledged US$4bil (RM16bil) for the WHO-sponsored Covax initiative which aims to distribute Covid-19 vaccines to the developing world, which the Trump administration refused to join.

It has agreed to endorse an allocation of special drawing rights – the International Monetary Fund’s hard currency – which would provide additional resources to poor countries without adding to their debt, and which former Treasury secretary Steve Mnuchin had declined to support.

Given that the World Bank is the world’s biggest financier of climate change-related investments, its president David Malpass reasonably expects that the Biden administration, for which battling climate change is a priority, will be supportive of its mission.

The administration has also vowed the US’ “unshakeable” commitment to Nato, which Trump had derided as an outdated organisation that imposes excessive burdens on the US.

But there is one critical area where the Biden administration is hesitant to support multilateralism, and that is trade.

Here, multilateralists can be grateful for some small mercies.

At least the administration has affirmed its commitment to the World Trade Organisation (WTO) – the custodian and enforcer of world trade rules – which the Trump administration all but ignored during the last four years and even threatened to leave.

It has also broken the impasse over WTO’s leadership, by endorsing the candidacy of Nigerian-American economist Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala for the post of directorgeneral, which was supported by the majority of the WTO’s 164 members, but which the Trump administration had blocked.

So, after being leaderless for almost six months, the WTO now at least has someone in charge.

Modest ambitions

But beyond that, and judging by actions rather than words, the multilateralist ambitions of the Biden administration on trade appear modest.

It has made clear that it will not pursue any trade agreements until it restores America’s competitiveness by investing trillions of dollars in areas such as energy, education and infrastructure.

It has endorsed “Buy American” policies, which would favour domestic producers and would be blatantly illegal under WTO rules.

Citing “systemic problems”, it has continued the Trump administration’s policy of blocking appointments of new judges to the WTO’s appellate body, which functions as a “supreme court” that adjudicates trade disputes.

The body has been unable to issue any judgments since Dec 11, 2019, because it did not have the minimum of three members required to issue a ruling.

Currently, with all judges having completed their terms, there is not a single judge on the body. This means that any appeal against a judgment by a lower panel at the WTO disappears into legal limbo, and the judgment is not binding.

In September last year, a lower panel ruled in favour of China, which made the case that the 25% tariffs levied by the US in June and September 2018 violated the WTO’s cardinal principle of non-discrimination.

The US is appealing that judgment, but the appeal cannot be heard, as the US would know, so the tariffs will remain in place.

Indeed, the Biden administration appears in no hurry to lift the Trump administration’s tariffs on China, all of which are likely to be WTO-illegal, according to trade experts.

It wants to use these tariffs as leverage to secure concessions from Beijing, including its compliance with the phase one trade deal negotiated by the Trump administration under which China was supposed to buy US$ 200 bil worth of US goods and services split over last year and this year, but is falling short of the target.

It has also continued the Trump administration’s policy of designating Hong Kong’s exports as “Made in China”, citing “national security” concerns – which means that in the US view, that issue, too, cannot be adjudicated by the WTO.

In short, a return to multilateralism on trade does not seem to be a priority for the Biden administration.

‘Elephant in the room’

The rise of China is one of the main sources of this reticence.

Like the Republicans, Democrats believe that the WTO is not fit for purpose in dealing with all of China’s alleged trade malpractices.

The case for this is well articulated in a 2016 paper by Harvard Law School Prof Mark Wu, now a senior adviser to the US Trade Representative’s office.

He argues that the main problem is that WTO rules – which were crafted before China joined the organisation – were not made with China’s distinctive economic system in mind.

WTO rules can address only those among China’s trade malpractices which are shared by other countries – such as requiring foreign investors to partner with local firms and buy from local suppliers, or granting exclusive rights to local firms to import or sell goods in the local market – which are practices that are not unique to China, and for which case law already exists.

But problems arise in cases where the boundaries between state and private enterprises are blurred, as is often the case in China. It is then not easy to judge whether a preferential transaction is of a private commercial nature – which falls outside the WTO rules – or amounts to a state subsidy.

At the heart of the problem is what constitutes a “public body”, which in China is not as clear as in other countries.

It is widely accepted, including by WTO itself, that WTO rules need to be updated, not only relating to China but also to issues such as digital trade, competition, services, labour and the environment.

But China, which is involved in the majority of trade disputes involving major economic powers, is the “elephant in the room”.

However, updating the rules should not mean sidelining the WTO in the meantime, which is what seems to be happening.

In a departure from the unilateral approach taken by the Trump administration, the Biden administration says it plans to deal with China’s trade practices in concert with other countries.

But there is no better way to do this than in a multilateral forum like the WTO, which applies a core set of principles to trade disputes such as non-discrimination, has mechanisms to monitor and enforce its rules and which would accommodate the concerns of multiple countries, which is how multilateralism should work.

Besides, China has a good record of complying with WTO rulings that go against it, and not such a good record of caving in to bilateral pressures.

Judicial paralysis

Shutting down the WTO’s judicial function by effectively neutralising its appellate body is especially ill advised.

Some concerns about the way the body functions and its alleged “judicial overreach” may be legitimate, but even if so, this applies only to a minority of cases that the body has adjudicated.

Disabling the WTO’s appellate body prevents the majority of cases, including those unrelated to China, from being resolved.

Besides, for all the criticisms levelled against it, the appellate body has a proud record.

In its 25 years of operation, it has resolved 195 disputes compared with around 160 cases completed in 74 years by the International Court of Justice, with 15 standing judges. Moreover, it has disposed of cases within a few months on average, compared with a few years in the case of other international adjudicating bodies.

Recounting these achievements in her farewell speech on Nov 30 last year, the last appellate judge to finish her term, Dr Zhao Hong, pointed out: “Though there was room to improve, the appellate body distinguishes itself for its outstanding performance among all international adjudicating bodies.”

By continuing to paralyse its functioning, the Biden administration undermines multilateralism and perpetuates the law of the jungle on trade issues, where might is right.

So while the administration has made a good start by re-embracing multilateralism in many areas, its trade policies still leave much to be desired.

-By VIKRAM KHANNA— The Straits Times/ANN



Diplomatic realpolitik

 

AS double-think runs wild in the White House, Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman (MBS) of Saudi Arabia must be enjoying a quiet chuckle. Diplomatic realpolitik has been accorded precedence over the severe action that was expected of President Joe Biden in the context of the US intelligence report that the Crown Prince was complicit in the ghastly killing of dissident journalist Jamal Khashoggi at the Saudi consulate in Istanbul in October 2018.

The Washington Post columnist was allegedly drugged and his body dismembered. Every tenet of human rights was thus violated.

By advancing what they call a “free pass” to MBS, America’s President has proffered a feeble excuse to justify his defence of the de facto leader of the desert kingdom. Biden, who had referred to Saudi Arabia as a “pariah kingdom with no redeeming social value” in course of his election campaign, has now softened his stance to a dramatic degree.

It thus comes about that in the somewhat surprising reckoning of the US President, the price of directly penalising Saudi Arabia’s crown prince is “too high”.

He may be right when viewed through the prism of certitudes of foreign policy.

The US President was reportedly convinced by his newly formed national security team that there was no way to formally bar the Saudi crown prince from entering the United States or to take a call on the criminal charges against him.

Altogether, it was feared by the current US administration that a drastic reprisal would have breached the equation with one of America’s key Arab allies, not to discount the flutter within the Arab region generally.

There is said to have been a consensus in the White House that the price of that breach was quite “simply too high” in terms of Saudi cooperation in the fight against terrorism and in confronting Iran.

Biden had been urged by a section of the establishment to at least impose the same travel restrictions against the Crown Prince as the Trump administration had imposed on others involved in the plot.

The White House appears to have drawn a fine distinction between MBS and the Saudi military. While the Crown Prince is unlikely to be invited to the United States in the immediate perspective, the establishment has denied that the Saudi ruler is being given a “pass”.

It is pretty obvious though, that the coveted International Visitor Program (IVP) will not be denied to the Saudi Arabian Crown Prince. Going by the terms of protocol, he may yet be treated as a state guest in America.-Reuter

 

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America’s 5 Stages of Grief Over China’s Rise; Trump and wife test positive for Covid-19

  

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

The hegemonic anxiety of America First

 

 

The root of the matter: shame - shamefulness and shamelessness

Saturday, January 11, 2020

US gains limited from changed China policy


 

The year 2019 has been one in which US sought to reconstruct its relations with China.

First, the US reset the premise of its policies toward China. From former president Bill Clinton to Barack Obama, Washington used to consider living with a rising China conditionally as the precondition; but since Donald Trump took office, he has changed the relatively friendly premise into a hostile one. Trying to slow down China's development and preventing the country from surpassing or even replacing the US have become the real intention of his China policy.

Second, the US reframed its relations with China, taking economic and trade ties as the turning point, as well as putting in more efforts in diplomacy, security, politics and culture. The key tools in its reconstruction of economic and trade ties were the war of tariffs, technology and finance.

During 2019, the trade war launched by the US against China saw many ups and downs. The number of products on which the two sides slapped duties reached an unprecedented scale. With the escalating tech war against China, the US Commerce Department added Huawei and 70 affiliates to its "entity list." Besides, China was listed as a currency manipulator by the US Department of Treasury.

Meanwhile, the Trump administration carried out a whole-of-government approach to compete with China and imposed all-round pressure on China.

The US has continued to meddle in Taiwan-related affairs. The Trump administration approved the sale of 66 F-16 fighters to Taiwan in August, the biggest military transaction between the US and Taiwan. Then US National Security Advisor John Bolton's meeting with Taiwan's National Security Council (NSC) head David Lee in the White House in May indicated the upgrade of US-Taiwan relations, which happened for the first time since 1950s.

Most seriously, the US was trying to promote Taiwan's status as a sovereign state. In the Indo-Pacific Strategy Report issued by US Department of Defense, Taiwan was publicly listed as a country; and the Coordination Council for North American Affairs was changed into Taiwan Council for US Affairs.

In 2019, US so-called freedom of navigation operations in the South China Sea were much more aggressive. The China-proposed Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) was also besieged and smeared by the US. The US Indo-Pacific Strategy is meant to counter China's BRI.

Additionally, the US has stepped up competition with China politically and ideologically and kept attacking China's political system.

In terms of the issues of Xinjiang and Hong Kong, US interference was way more blatant than before. The US even passed the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act, in order to legalize its future interference in the Hong Kong issue. Moreover, the US attacked China's governance in Xinjiang. Not only did the Ministry of Commerce impose export control over 28 Chinese business entities, but the US Department of State also announced visa restrictions against Chinese officials and their relatives. US Congress, furthermore, passed the so-called Uyghur Human Rights Policy Act, keeping up the pressure on China even more.

The series of measures the Trump administration employed to restructure the China-US relationship framework are aggressive.

The Trump administration is trying to change the way China and US interact. It believes that Washington should abandon the engagement policy and cooperation should give way to strategic competition and that the US must pressure China to make concessions. That being the case, the Trump administration has changed the approach of engagement and hedging, reduced engagement and cooperation, and increased confrontation and conflicts with China.

When some hawks within the Trump government talk about China-US competition, what they really want are confrontation and conflict. Many working-level dialogue mechanisms established during the George W. Bush and Obama administrations are no longer in operation. Now Washington resorts to trade, technological and financial wars as well as sanctions. How far can the US go in this way?

First, it depends on how much price the US is willing to pay. Competition, decoupling, confrontation, and non-cooperation all come at a price. The US-launched trade war against China has impacted US agricultural and manufacturing industries and forced consumers to pay more, while the technological war has put the US high-tech industry under risk of losing the Chinese market. Escalating military competition with China means a significant increase in US military expenditure. Restricting China-US people-to-people exchanges will also cause losses to American universities and research institutions.

In fact, with the negative effects of the Trump administration's China policy increasingly becoming apparent, doubts within the US have grown. Although the US elites have generally reached a consensus on a tougher stance against China, they have yet to agree on how much price the US can pay.

Second, China-US relations are the result of bilateral interactions and cannot be unilaterally decided by the US. Facing heightened US pressure, China is exploring more effective ways to respond. Beijing is not afraid of competition.

Finally, the attitudes of the international community and the US allies matter. The China policy and other foreign policies of the Trump administration not only aimed at maximizing US interests, but also have the features of protectionism and unilateralism. The trade war against China has damaged global industrial and value chains, undermining the interests of other countries including US allies.

To sum up, although the US has benefited from its China policy recalibration, its gains are limited. How far will the US move to restructure its relations with China go? It hinges on the changes in US domestic politics as well as China's will and art in wrangling with the US.

By Wu Xinbo Source:Global Times - The author is dean of the Institute of International Studies at Fudan University.


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